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\u201cA disaster,\u201d the influential German magazine Der Spiegel said of the differences between the two leaders.<\/p>\n
Mr. Macron\u2019s mocking denunciation of repeated delays and reversals in Western policy to Ukraine \u2014 \u201cnever, never tanks, never, never planes, never, never long-range missiles\u201d \u2014 appeared particularly provocative to Germany in that France has been among those saying no before saying yes.<\/p>\n
When France and Germany are at odds, Europe tends to stall, the very thing Mr. Macron does not want in his now almost seven-year quest for greater European \u201cstrategic autonomy\u201d from the United States.<\/p>\n
Mr. Macron\u2019s vision for an independent European defense appears timelier than ever with Europeans anxious over the possible return to the White House of Donald J. Trump \u2014 and with him, per Mr. Trump\u2019s own telling, a possible wink to Russia to do its worst. The heavy Ukrainian reliance on the United States for weapons has underscored Europe\u2019s ongoing dependence on Washington as the 75th anniversary of NATO approaches this year.<\/p>\n
Yet because frontline states with Russia want America\u2019s continued presence, Mr. Macron has found it hard to sway Europe toward greater independence.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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At home, where his popularity has fallen and he does not command an absolute majority in Parliament, Mr. Macron faced an outcry over an apparent policy shift decided without any national debate, a recurrent issue throughout a highly centralized, top-down presidency.<\/p>\n
From the far left to the far right, lawmakers condemned what Olivier Faure, a Socialist, called \u201cthe folly\u201d of a potential war with Russia. Jordan Bardella, the president of the extreme-right National Rally party, which has been close to Moscow, accused Mr. Macron of \u201closing his sang-froid.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Still, nobody answered the fundamental question Mr. Macron has posed: How to stop Russia\u2019s advance and a Ukrainian defeat that would threaten freedom and open societies across Europe.<\/p>\n
\u201cMacron eventually understood that dialogue with Russia will go nowhere, and increasing cyberattacks on France and other states convinced him that Putin will not stop in Ukraine,\u201d said Nicolas Tenzer, a political scientist who has long argued for the dispatch of Western troops to Ukraine. \u201cNATO\u2019s credibility and Europe itself are at risk.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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In this sense, as Russia advances and a $60 billion American aid package to Ukraine is held up in Congress by Republican opposition, Mr. Macron may have forced a necessary reassessment, especially given the possibility of Mr. Trump\u2019s re-election.<\/p>\n
\u201cShould we delegate our future to the American voter?\u201d Mr. Macron asked. \u201cMy response is no, whatever this voter decides.\u201d<\/p>\n
Doubling down on Mr. Macron\u2019s statement, despite the furor it has caused, a senior official close to him said on Tuesday that, \u201cWe comfort Mr. Putin in his impression that we are weak when we write checks, make statements, send artillery and produce shells, but above all do not want to take any risk ourselves.\u201d<\/p>\n
At the same time, said the official, who requested anonymity in keeping with French diplomatic protocol, France remains committed to avoiding \u201ca confrontation between the Alliance and Russia.\u201d<\/p>\n
What exactly France has in mind is unclear, but it appears likely that any troops would be sent for purposes that \u201cdo not cross the threshold of belligerence,\u201d as St\u00e9phane S\u00e9journ\u00e9, the foreign minister, put it to the National Assembly.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n