Houthis<\/a>, Al-Iryani emphasized that Saudi-Houthi relations had entered a pragmatic phase before October 7.<\/p>\n\u201cFor the past three years, the Houthis were under the impression they had made a deal with Saudi Arabia,\u201d he said. \u201cThey figured since we\u2019re going to get all the land that we want on the negotiation table, why fight now as we used to?\u201d he added.<\/p>\n
That understanding unraveled after the Gaza war. \u201cThat has changed from the Saudi side by the strong, aggressive stance of the Houthis in support of the people of Gaza,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n
\u201cThe Saudis tolerated the losses that the Houthis\u2019 activity in the Red Sea caused them,\u201d Al-Iryani noted. \u201cBut when the fighting formally stopped in Gaza with the current ceasefire, it became clear to the Houthis that the Saudis have no interest in going back to the agreement that they had negotiated before October 7th,\u201d he explained.<\/p>\n
He stressed that Saudi Arabia remains focused on limiting Houthi influence rather than accommodating it. \u201cI believe that the Saudis are committed to ending the war,\u201d Al-Iryani said. \u201cIt is in their best interest to stop the fighting because it affects them directly as a neighboring country,\u201d he noted.<\/p>\n
As military and political dynamics shifted, long-standing allegations against UAE-backed forces resurfaced.<\/p>\n
\u201cRegarding the secret prisons operated by the UAE in Yemen, this is not a new issue,\u201d a Yemeni journalist based in Sana\u2019a told The Media Line under conditions of anonymity. \u201cIt has been documented for years in reports issued by local and international human rights organizations,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n
\u201cThese reports did not receive sufficient attention due to the political and military alignment between the UAE and Saudi Arabia,\u201d he added, \u201cwhich has had severe repercussions on Yemeni civilians who have paid a heavy price as a result of the expansion of Emirati influence in several southern provinces,\u201d he continued.<\/p>\n
UAE officials have denied accusations that it is running secret prisons in Yemen. The Media Line reached out to multiple sources for more details, but they did not respond.<\/p>\n
Al-Hamidi detailed the record. \u201cOn May 25, 2017, SAM for Rights and Liberties announced the discovery of dozens of secret detention sites in Aden, Hadramawt, and Shabwa, operated by unlawful forces backed by the UAE,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n
\u201cMost alarming, however, are reports revealing coordination between UAE-backed forces and elements linked to al-Qaida,\u201d Al-Hamidi added. \u201cThis raises serious concerns about the nature of this coordination and its role in fueling extremism rather than combating it.\u201d<\/p>\n
Al-Hamidi added that subsequent documentation by the SAM Organization for Rights and Liberties expanded on these findings. According to reports published by the organization in the years that followed, including investigations into enforced disappearances and a comprehensive report titled \u201cThe Long Absence,\u201d the network of secret detention facilities was accompanied by systematic patterns of disappearance, with dozens of detainees remaining unaccounted for.<\/p>\n
\u201cDozens of victims remain missing to this day,\u201d Al-Hamidi said, warning that many cases have faded from public attention despite being fully documented by human rights organizations.<\/p>\n
From Sana\u2019a, the Yemeni journalist warned of the broader consequences. \u201cWhat the UAE has done goes far beyond the framework of the Arab Coalition, constituting grave human rights violations, a breach of Yemeni sovereignty, and a violation of international law,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n
\u201cUltimately, the continued presence of the UAE in Yemen has contributed significantly to prolonging the conflict, strengthening Houthi influence, and creating an unstable environment in which the threat of terrorism is used as a political tool against opponents,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n
Looking ahead, assessments of Saudi\u2013Emirati relations diverge sharply.<\/p>\n
\u201cIn my view, it is unlikely that we will see a further confrontation between Saudi Arabia and the UAE in Yemen,\u201d the Yemeni journalist said, \u201cdespite the clear differences in their objectives and approaches,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n
\u201cThe relationship between the two countries is based on a broader strategic partnership that goes beyond the Yemeni file,\u201d he noted, \u201cwhich is why disagreements are usually managed behind the scenes rather than through open confrontation,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n
Al-Iryani offered a far bleaker outlook. \u201cI think that the break between Saudi Arabia and the UAE is going to be permanent,\u201d he said, citing Abu Dhabi\u2019s alignment with Israel, still seen as a hostile actor for Riyadh.<\/p>\n
\u201cThe current withdrawal of STC and formally with it of the Emirates doesn\u2019t end the fighting on the ground, it helps Riyadh to gain back control gradually, but for sure this is far from over,\u201d Al-Iryani said.<\/p>\n
As Yemen enters yet another phase of recalibration, the retreat of the STC, Saudi Arabia\u2019s renewed political initiative in Riyadh, the reassessment of the Houthi file after Gaza, and the resurfacing of long-documented human rights violations together underscore how unresolved the conflict remains.<\/p>\n
What has changed is that the fault lines within the coalition itself, long present beneath the surface, are now shaping events as decisively as the war\u2019s original divisions, leaving Yemen caught between competing regional agendas, fragile local actors, and an elusive path toward stability.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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